Accutane for Acne: An Analysis

Accutane for Acne An AnalysisBefore the iron curtain fell some(prenominal) In personaation intimately acne was r atomic number 18. notwithstanding with growing ad avant-gardeces in dermatology and medicine straight course understanding the f ar of acne and its finished breedment is available foundationwide. Acne is whizz of the well-nigh super C skin conditions in the world. Although its public be cheeks accurate in exploitation about acne jackpot be s shell out. This makes it difficult to get cle arr skin. consequently the information in this document washbasin help you understand acne and how to treat/ prevent it successfully.1Over berth of acneAcne, or acne vulgaris, is solicitinproblem t palpebra starts when oil and dead skin cells clabber up your pores. Some great cut across call it blackheads, blemishes, whiteheads, pimples, or zits. When you get to just a few red spots, or pimples, you have a mild form of acne. Severe acne heap mean hundreds of pimples that washbasin cover the face, neck, chest, and back. Or it can be bigger, solid, red lumps that are painful (cysts).Acne is very common among pueriles. It normally gets give out after the teen grey age. Some women who never had acne growing up will have it as an adult, often right in the beginning their menstrual items.How you feel about your acne may non be related to how flavoral it is. Some people who have crude(a) acne are not b occasion(a)ed by it. Others are embarrassed or upset even though they have notwithstanding a few pimples.Acne starts whenoil and dead skin cells clog the skins pores. If germs get into the pores, the result can be swelling, redness, and pus.Causes of AcneAcne can be caused or exacerbated by a number of diametric things, includingChanges in hormone levels ( such as during puberty or menstruation)Cosmetics or hair or skin productsHaving a family history of acneSome medicationsSomething rubbing on the skin (like a hat or helmet)Vigorous scru bbing of the skinStressFor most people, acne starts during the teen historic menstruum. This is because hormone neuters make the skin oilier afterpubertystarts. Using oil-based skin products or cosmetics can make acne worse. Use skin products that dont clog your pores. They will say noncomedogenic on the label.Acne can run in families. If one of your parents had severe acne, you are much than likely to have it.Symptoms of acne Acne comm unaccompanied appears on the face and shoulders. It may overly occur on the trunk, arms, legs, and buttocks.Other symptoms includeCrusting of skin bumpsCystsPapules (small red bumps)Pustulesignition around the skin eruptionsScarring of the skinWhiteheadsBlackheadsThe good refreshfuls is that there are m whatsoever good treatments that can help you get acne under control.What is Accutane23Accutanes chemical composition resembles that of retinoic acid, a compound derived from Vitamin A. The primary application for Accutane is for noduled acne in patients that do not answer to topical applications (such as benzoyl peroxide) and banner antibiotic treatments.it is administered orally in pill form. It reduces the heart of oil released by oil glands in your skin, and helps your skin re reinvigorated itself more quickly.People with severe cases of nodular acne can display red, t annuler and swollen bumps under the skin. These bumps can have a diameter of a quarter-inch or grandr. Left untreated, these bumps can go forth to permanent facial scarring and disfigurement. Accutane treats these bumps by slowing the rate of chemical production that leads to skin breakouts. It was originally recomm stop for people with severe acne that did not respond to other treatments,but has gained in popularity in the past 25 years and is positivist more and more frequently for less severe acneHow Accutane works incisively how Accutane works on a cellular level is unknown but we do know that it affects all four ways that acne develops.1. It dramatically reduces the coat of the skinsoil glands(35%-58%) and even more dramatically reduces the amount of oil these glands produce (around 80%).2. Acnebacteria(P. acnes) live in skin oil. Since oil is dramatically reduced, so is the amount of acne bacteria in the skin.3. It slows down how fast the skin producesskin cellsinside the pore, which helps pores from becoming congest in the first move.4. It hasanti-inflammatoryproperties.Researchers have published several studies attempting to gauge whether people with mild to stamp down acne can achieve pertinacious full term oblivion of acne with lour dosages of Accutane. Initial data is showing that people with mild to moderate acne may be able to achieve long term pardon with significantly lower dosages, and thus suffer fewer side pieces, including lower incidence of scarring. Relapse rates with lower dosages do not front to increase, leading some enquiryers to posit that it is not cumulative panelling that brings abou t permanent clearing as some(prenominal) as it is the length of fourth dimension that the oil glands are suppressed. Intermittent dosing ( taking Accutane only 1 week of both month) appears to work less well, producing significantly poorer outcomes for more than half of the patients studied.Why is Accutane betterOnly solution for severe acneEffective than antibioticsQuick results as compared to other remediesEasier to assimilate and continue , just an oral pillLong term resultsLesser scares left after consummate courseDosage4Accutane should not be consumed unless impose by your physician, and its dosage should be as set upd by the physician.Please refer the table below to get a glimpse of the approximate dosage of Accutane.5PrecautionsBefore starting Accutane treatment, make certainly you tell your doctor about any other medications you are taking (including prescription, over-the-counter, vitamins, herbal remedies, etc.).Do not catch vitamin A supplements. Vitamin A in hig h doses has many of the same side put ups as accutane. fetching both together may increase your chance of getting side stamps.Do not receive any kind of immunization or vaccination without your doctors approval give way taking accutane.Inform your health care professional if you are importation(a) or may be pregnant prior to starting this treatment. Pregnancy category X (accutane may cause fetal harm when given to a pregnant adult female. This drug mustiness not be given to a pregnant woman or a woman who int peculiaritys to become pregnant. If a woman becomes pregnant plot taking accutane, the medication must be stopped immediately and the woman given appropriate counseling).Because of the extremely high risk that a ill-shapen infant can result if pregnancy occurs while taking accutane in any amount even for short stays of time, for both men and women Do not conceive a child (get pregnant) while taking accutane. deuce methods of effective contraception are recommended fo r women of childbearing potential, unless absolute abstinence is the elect method. Discuss with your doctor when you may safely become pregnant or conceive a child after therapy.Do not breast feed while taking this medicationSide effects of Accutane 6Doctors prescribe Accutane when other acne treatments fail. Because serious cases of acne can be such a carnal and social burden, patients may be willing to tolerate some of the common side effects that come with Accutane use, including dry skin, headaches and cold-like symptoms.A less-common side effect of the drug is pseudotumor cerebri benign intercranial hypertension. This is a condition in which the brain acts as though there is a tumor when there is not. It can lead to blindness. Early signs of pseudotumor cerebri include headache, nausea, vomiting and visual disturbances. About half of Accutane users are women of childbearing age, making birth defects interrelated with Accutane use a significant concern. Unfortunately,Accutan eis cerebrate to a series of serious side effects, including bowel diseases like Crohns disease, liver damage, depression, and miscarriage and birth defects if taken during pregnancy.Apart from these excessive dose of Accutane can lead to hypertension, suicidal tendencies, depression , liver damage, gastrointestinal problems , hearing impairment etc, there for as a matter of particular it is higly recommended to consume Accutane under medical supervision only.1 American Academy of Dermatology (2007). Guide assembly lines of care for acne vulgaris management. ledger of the American Academy of Dermatology, 56(4) 651663. similarly available online http//www.aad.org/education-and-quality-care/clinical-guidelines/current-and-upcoming-guidelines.2 http//www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1349820/3 http//www.drugbank.ca/drugs/DB009824 http//www.drugbank.ca/drugs/DB009825 http//en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Isotretinoin6 http//www.drugwatch.com/accutane/side-effects.phpThe Fall Of capital of Italy essayThe Fall Of capital of Italy EssayThe vie about the impress of capital of Italy and the way it happened is a centuries-old one and its vitality has been undiminished over the years. The tralatitious guess has the roman print Empire being violently overturned by tike Germanic tribes who started invading en masse during the last years of the fourth century. That wasnt the first time that the Empire had to deal with c unloadt on its b dresss, but this time it eventually let outd because it had already declined as a civilization due to internal problems.The first scholar to support this line of sight was Gibbon in the late eighteenth century. His great, multi-volume, work goes by the title The Decline and fall of the papist Empire, which speaks for itself as for its authors thoughts (?). He argued that the most important cause which brought about the end of the Roman Empire was the expansion and step-by-step predominance of Christianity. First, the new piet ism and the structures that came with it (such as the church and the monasteries) interfered with the distribution of wealth inside the Empire, by accumulating it in institutions that were inaccessible by the present. Second, its pacifist ideology reduced the armys will to fight and its theology corrupted the classical ideals through the banquet of superstition. Another scholar arguing along the same lines was Rostovtzeff. He states the former(a) Empire was in retrogradation?, a sad and decadent remnant of its former self, partially because of the increase in absolutism during the reigns of Diocletian and Constantine and the emperors who succeeded them. Together with Gibbon, his arguments form the center field of the usanceal theory, which puts stress especially on the issue of decline as the main reason which made the disintegration of the empire, as a semipolitical entity, eventually inevitable. Due to the work of these two scholars, the Fall of Rome has ended up being seen as something like the platonic idea of decline. on with the traditional theory, we should consider the work of a more recent scholar. following the same methodological path as Rostovtzeff, Jones credited the barbarians with the destabilization and collapse of the Roman Empire. Their invasions, he argues, should be seen as a destructive federal agent which placed strain on the Roman administration. At the same time, in a well-known passage, he speaks of a large part of the commonwealth that was consuming without producing anything, such as senators, soldiers and the clergy. These idle mouths, as he calls them, partially a result of barbarian pressure again, at least as utmost as the army was concerned, was the main reason for the economic go down of the new-made Empire.Jones character was twofold. To begin with, he proposed a new chronological period, extending foster than 476, the date traditionally considered as signaling the moment of shoemakers last of the Roman Empire. H is ending date was 602, the year of the emperor Maurices demise as he strongly debated that the Roman Empire keep its existence, albeit geographically diminished, in the East, at least until the orgasm of the Slavic tribes in the Balkans at the end of the sixth century. This way, he managed to provide a alliance in the midst of late- and post-Roman societies, hinting that there might have been a causal relation amongst the two. Secondly, he breathed new life in a period that was all but put aside by his contemporaries as of not oft particular interest and after him scholars gradually started to encompass the modern Roman Empire in its own right.This was countered by traditionalists in 2005 with the publication of a book under the title The fall of Rome and the end of civilization. In this book, the author Bryan Ward-Perkins is arguing fervently that the fall of Rome was a violent experience for the people involved, which involved much bloodshed and catastrophe. It was cen tered more on radical change than gradual transformation and was characterized by decline and resulted in a decline in civilized values which in reality that a number of Roman pagan achievements were lost.Although this view has its merits and should not be ignoreed without consideration, it motivatings to be examined conservatively because it conceals the danger of oversimplification. First, it can be argued that the author has gone too far with his emphasis on force out and catastrophe. Violence, no matter how hard on a club, is not by principle an agent of radical change which rules out any chance of transformation. Human history is full of violence and it would be surprising if the fourth and fifth centuries did not involve any at all. Despite Ward-Perkins vivid depictions, much of what was considered Roman did not go with the Empire. Roman qualities, such as a literate culture, can be shown to have survived as late as the seventh century, proving that the devastating ba seless invasions did not actually have such a devastating effect after all.Stemming from that, we should examine if there was a specific moment in time when Rome actually fell. If we cannot point out such an instance, then we should regard it as a more gradual process. Italy, for example, shows that society was able to maintain its order in the face of much devastation. And if, as Ward-Perkins himself admits, there was no bingle moment, not even a single century of collapse, then we should discard catastrophist theories as inadequate and fork out more.We should as well as keep in mind that the author comes from an archaeological surroundings and, as a result, most of his proof comes from the study of material evidence. Archaeologists of the period tend to be advocates of the notion of decline more often than historians, generally because such a decline is much more evident in the material remains of the belated Roman era. In addition to that we have to be careful with the ori gin the evidence. In the case of Ward-Perkins, he doesnt hesitate to support his theory on data from Britain, but Brittania (i.e. the part of Britain which was conquered by the Romans) had never been the archetypal Roman province. So Britain is far from being the typical example of what happened after the Romans had left the island, peculiarly given the point that we can find other provinces of the Roman Empire, which shared a all divers(prenominal) fate, such as Egypt and Syria. When talking strictly about the west, one has to be extremely cautious when trying to combine both the archaeological data with historical sources that might give the impression of perseveration. One way approaches, such as the one only just discussed, will not do. deep ancientness With good reason one might ask what the need of such a dramatic reassertion of the traditional view on the fall of the Roman Empire. The word traditional itself implies the existence of an opposite, neoteric theory. In 197 1, Peter chocolate-brown published a book which defied all the assumptions of the traditionalist school. His book The world of Late antiquity from Marcus Aurelius to Muhammad argues about continuity, transformation, cultural and ghostlike renewal. The enthusiasm that the book was met with in academic circles, especially in the get together States, resulted in the banishment of equipment casualty as catastrophe, change, crisis and decline. Brown was influenced by the views of an rather scholar, Henri-Irne Marrou, who argued that late antique art had not deteriorated and that it should be looked at in its own terms. Brown was influenced by the work of Henri Pirenne. In his works the Belgian scholar supported that there was continuity to be found in terms of long-distance trade in the Mediterranean which was not affected by the barbarian invasions but collapsed with the great Arabic conquests of the seventh century. Brown placed a new stress on the period resulted in a recent ret hinking of Pirennes views through the prism of the newly proposed notion of continuity. Finally, Brown could also be considered an influence because, as we proverb earlier, he was the first to propose a causal connection between the Late Roman Empire and the post-Roman era. Thus, given the entailed predominance of continuity which was easily detected in themes such as art and unearthly belief, a new historical period has been founded with its own characteristics, that of Late Antiquity, in which some of the basics of classical civilization still survived. Its boundaries stress from the tierce to the eighth century, but they are still unfixed, with every writer proposing different dates, correspond to the issues they deal with. Brown relied heavily on the methods of historical psychology and psycho compendium. This methodological innovation is a general trend among scholars of Late Antiquity, particularly those in the United States. They have more or less identify themselves w ith the kind of history that falls outside the scope of socio-economic history. For example, the history of Christianity has prove very fertile for studying Late Antiquity, especially the effects it has had on different aspects of human life, such as death, sexuality and the family. Thus, this school of thought has made astonishing contributions in such palm as sexuality and culture history, the history of mentalities and of popular belief. Such methods, however, often tend to function with no respect to periodization and as such they lead to fragmentation. Indeed, the work of these scholars shows more emphasis towards individuals and their perspectives than to the society they live in. As a consequence, post-modernist theories concerning source abridgment have relied heavily on the works of scholars after Brown, while, in the meantime, the old philological approach has been largely abandoned. Ancient texts are dealt with not so much for their narrative value, but as agents the mentality of their authors. Of course, works only when focused on different authors have a lot to digest to the ongoing discussion of the period, but dogged commitment to them might piddle a handicap for our understanding of the period as a whole. Furthermore, partly as a response to the traditional view of catastrophe, scholars of Late Antiquity have been particularly keen on seeing continuity and transformation. exclusively this attitude can be harmful in two ways. First, the notion of continuity seems to have an overshadowing effect on the particularity of issues in a certain period. If everything is proven to carry on from the past not changed in the least, then historical periods will automatically lose their individual tone, by which it is defined. Simultaneously, by relying to heavily historical sources (as they provide ampler evidence for continuity) we may be overturned by the findings of archaeological explore (in the way Ward-Perkins was). Second, emphasis on contin uity and transformation is the expulsion of their opposites from contemporary history books. Terms such as crisis and decline seem to have been anathematized in modern research and this has started to raise objections, even by scholars who are not polemicists of continuity itself. ruling words like these falling into disuse can only be detrimental for historiography. These terms are usually avoided because of their moral implications, and it is somehow sham that if there is decline someone needs to be charged with it. But we always have to bear in mind that history is a science and historians should concentrate purely on the facts of their research. Nevertheless, Late Antiquitys impact shouldnt be confined within strict scientific limits. Continuity along with transformation, apart from being objects of historiographical debate, is also too knock-down(a) of terms to be overlooked by contemporary politicians. From 1993 to 1998 a large research project, funded by the European Scien ce Foundation (ESF), brought together scholars from crossways Europe. Its title was Transformation of the Roman World and its aim was to provide a widely accepted interpretation of the fall of Rome, along the lines of a refine passage to what was to become todays Europe. Two thousand years after Augustus history is being repeated the European Union is mission its poets to create its own foundation myth. Late Antiquity is a new period that has had to carve its way bravely into powerful, deep-rooted views of modern historiography, much like the barbarians who had to carve their kingdoms fighting against the mighty Roman Empire. But dissimilar the former, somewhere along the way it had to make sacrifices which rendered it less effective as a means of interpretation and more limited in its scope. Also, it came to associate itself with allies with political agendas, who might have promoted it, but in the long term damaged somewhat its credibility in terms of objectivity. later on al l that, it is not surprising that Avril Cameron, a great advocate of the Brown school, herself admits Late Antiquity is in danger of having become an exotic territory, just forwards suggesting that it should be tested also in the fields of economic and administrative history. Pekepersonal thekerkerethoughts-synthesis/LA+med west Thus far, weve witnessed in skeleton a powerful debate Ward-Perkins book came as a vivid reaction to a whole school of thought make around Browns work, which itself was another dramatic response to an ripened tradition. But extremism is inherent in violent reactions, because only through reverse one side can define itself and stand out in relation to its adversaries. Naturally, the existence of opposition itself should not lead us to believe that one side is absolutely right, while the other is absolutely malign (and in most cases they are not). Rather, it should call us towards an evaluation of the new conclusions that emerged from the conflict and setting the problem on a new base. However, it should be renowned that both books have something in common they are heavily focused on different geographical areas, where their conclusions seem to be more frequently affirmed. This way, Brown was able to find plenty of continuity in the eastern part of the Empire, while Ward-Perkins discovered a great deal of catastrophe in its former western provinces. As Jones had underlined long before those two, historians often tend to forget that only a part of the Roman Empire actually fell to the barbarians. So, nothing would be amiss if things were so well defined, but they are not. And although it seems that Late Antiquity is better desirable for early Byzantine history, there are also those medieval scholars who accommodate it rewarding to try their hand at the concepts that this new approach brought with it.Late Antiquity and early medieval historyOne of these was jean claude van dam (the muscles from brussels) mouahahhahahahaLate Antiq uity and the barbariansThe exclusion of notions of violence and catastrophe from the debates concerning the fourth and fifth centuries, which Late Antiquity scholars promoted, created a historiographical vacuum and a way had to be found for depicting the relations between the Roman Empire and the new arrivals. If violence could not be used to delimitate them, then the sources had to be searched for a different sort of evidence. The subsequent review of the sources gave birth to the notion of accommodation. The first scholar to do that was Walter Goffart. In a well-known book, published in 1980, he described in stop the way that the barbarians were colonised on Roman lands. According to Goffart a somewhat straightforward arrangement between the late Roman administration and the barbarian tribes can be derived from the sources. The critical feature of this arrangement was that the Empire give up its rights on the taxation of the region in which a convocation of barbarians were settled and sort of those taxes would be lay in by the barbarians. However, according to this theory, there was no expropriation of land, no partition of it to smaller units to be apportioned and no need for extra money from the tax payers. The only one who had something to lose in the process would be the central administration and this definitely helps condone the fact that there is no sign of any noteworthy resistance from the local anesthetic population in the regions where the barbarians were settled in this way. The aforementioned theory was further elaborated by Durliat. After analyzing the sources rigorously, he managed to take Goffarts theory one step further. He argued that land tax in the Late Roman Empire amounted to no more than 20% of the harvest and it was collected and administered by the curiales. They split it in three and kept one third base for their citys expenses. The other two thirds were then direct to Rome to be used for the needs of the army and the c entral administration. With the advent of the barbarians, this musical arrangement was very conveniently transformed to accommodate them the curiales no longer sent anything to Rome but instead conferred the appropriate amount to the barbarian group that happened settle in their citys administrative region. Furthermore, he argued that this modus operandi continued unaffected after the fall of the western Roman Empire, in the different successor-states, until the collapse of the Carolingian Empire. This theoretical synthesis was attractive to scholars, not only due to its clarifying simplicity and astonishing applicability, but also because it served to explain the lack of any negative sentiment in the sources. The immenseness of it becomes clearer, if we take under consideration that actually there were complaints on the part of the sources, wherever the barbarians had not settled peacefully but by force. As we saw earlier, the curiales were unconcerned if two thirds of the land tax changed recipients, as long as they were still obtaining their part undiminished. One can easily imagine the effect that this argument had on the debate on continuity, especially since it was centered on Western Europe. Of course, this theory didnt fail to raise some eyebrows. Liebeschtz criticized Durliats arguments on a twofold basis. First, he doubts that late Roman cities actually collected for themselves any part of the imperial taxes and second, he argues quite convincingly that such an agreement would eventually provide little actual security measure to the settling barbarians, as security is usually better ensured through direct property of the land, than through any fiscal rights. Whats more, it seems perfectly reasonable to study that it was exactly this security that the barbarians were expression for and of course, their position of power during the last centuries of the Roman Empire made sure that they were not likely to settle for anything less. Moreover, Durlia ts theory was commented on further in an article in 1998. There, Wickham analysis Durliats arguments and dismisses them one by one. Initially, he disagrees that the strict fiscal meaning which the latter ascribes to terms such as possessors and fundus is actually the one mean by the legislators of the fourth and the fifth century and in so doing he undermines the theory from the beginning. But he goes on to challenge other aspects such as the idea that Church constituted a part of the state administration in the post-Roman kingdoms (and thus church property consisted only of fiscal lands) and the view that servus is the term used to suggest a free landowner. By providing hard evidence following the chronological order (Late Empire, Romano-Germanic Kingdoms, Carolingian Empire), Wickham manages to discredit convincingly the arguments about fiscal continuity throughout this period. But, it should be noted that in the end of his article, where he discusses briefly the issue of continu ity, he states that while he is not averse to it himself, it should not be considered tantamount to complete absence of change.However, the predominance of continuity does not sit well with terms like barbarian invasions and Germanic immigration. So, historians had to find ways to trounce this problem they started by looking at the ethnic identities of the Germanic peoples, because it could be argued for example that there was no clear-cut sense of common identity operator between barbarian groups, such as the Goths, or some common characteristics that defined Germanic then it would be possible to downplay the importance of the aforementioned terms. This way, Late Antiquity affected another heated debate (and in the meantime was affected by it) that of European national identities. The contribution of Walter Goffart has been essential at this point. Apart from fiscal continuity, in his Barbarians and Romans, he was also arguing about against the existence of definite ethnic identi ties among the barbarians. Another centuries-old historiographic tradition before him interpreted the movements of the Germanic tribes according to contemporary political ideas. For example, before the Second World War, Kossina had argued that there was a separate, identifiable culture to be associated with every Germanic tribe we come across in the sources and in 1961 Wenskus had maintained that there was a core of tradition carried by the elite group of each barbarian group, according to which the whole mass of the tribe was defined. But, according to Goffart migrations have served as the factual underpinnings of early Germanic unity. Thus, if he could prove that no such unity actually existed, the migration and invasion theories would lose all sense. Indeed, he argues for a short history of these peoples oblivion was a result of translocation. The common past of these peoples at any point evince as back as the time before their last migration. He refuses to use sources of the si xth century such as Jordanes because, in his opinion, they only reflect the ideas of their own times and cannot be trusted for their evidence of the contrary past. Finally, after taking under consideration also the deductions of archaeological research, he thinks that, if one wanted to look at the discontinuity provoked by the advent of the barbarians, he should definitely put the emphasis on Rome and its security. It was the spell that the Empire had on the barbarians and not their own expansionist agendas that brought about the fall, in an imaginative experiment that got a little out of hand. It is consequently clear that Late Antiquity has given historiography of ethnic identities new areas of research to explore. This process gets even more complicated with the interference of modern planetary politics and historians of the Early Middle Ages recently find themselves and their research at the center of contemporary political debates. One can discern a pseudo-history in the ma king, which serves political and nationalistic purposes in the sense that it tries to define clear nations that were created centuries ago once and for all. Another assumption is that by right these nations should form separate political entities, according to their defined ethnicity and territory. To sum up, the search for continuity of the Late Antique scholars might not have been successful in the field of fiscal policies and accommodation but it ascertained the fact that we cannot take up long histories and ethnic identities of the Germanic peoples. This certainly confirmed transformation instead of catastrophe and crisis for some aspects of the fourth and fifth centuries but it surely turn up that there was much discontinuity and heterogeneity concerning the notion of identity. And since the Early Middle Ages are of such a great importance in the international political stage, scholars of the period should benefit from the results of research in this field in order to preve nt their academic field from becoming a plaything in the hands of international politics. (Projecting their own experiences on another period of time (as historians often do)Bibliography A = Heather, P., The fall of the Roman Empire a new history of Rome and the barbarians (London and Oxford, 2005) B = Ward-Perkins, B., The fall of Rome and the end of civilization (Oxford, 2005) C = Cameron, A., The Mediterranean world in Late Antiquity 395-600 (London, 1993) D = Marcone, A., A long Late Antiquity? Consideration on a controversial periodization Journal of Late Antiquity, 1 (2008), 4-19. E = Jones, A.H.M., The subsequent Roman Empire, 284-602 a social, economic and administrative survey (Oxford, 1964). F = G = Wickham, C., The inheritance of Rome A history of Europe from 400 to railyard (London, 2009). H = Innes, M., An introduction to Early Medieval Western Europe, 300-900 (London, 2007). I = Brown, P., The world of Late Antiquity from Marcus Aurelius to Muhammad (London, 1971). J = Liebeschtz, W., Cities, taxes and the accommodation of barbarians. The theories of Durliat and Goffart in Noble, T. F. X. (ed.), From roman provinces to medieval kingdoms (New York, 2006), 309-323. K = Wickham, C., The fall of Rome will not take place in Rosenwein, B. H., Little, L. K. (eds.), Debating the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1998), 45-58. L = Goffart, W. A., Barbarians and Romans A.D. 418-584 the techniques of accommodation (Princeton, 1980) M = Goffart, W. A., The barbarians in Late Antiquity and how they were accommodated in the West in Noble, T. F. X. (ed.), From roman provinces to medieval kingdoms (New York, 2006), 235-261. N = Wood, I., Barbarians, historians and the construction of national identities Journal of Late Antiquity, 1 (2008), 61-81. O = Heather, P., Late Antiquity and the Early Medieval West in Bentley, M. (ed.), Companion to historiography (London, 1995), 69-87. P = Noble, T. F. X., Romans, barbarians and the transformation of the Roman Empire in Noble, T. F . X. (ed.), From roman provinces to medieval kingdoms (New York, 2006), 1-27. B, 40. A, 14. C, 3. D, 7. E, 1027. Also in other instances, such as 1039 and 1067. E, 1045-47. E, 1026. H, 6. C, 4. B, 13-14. B, 182-3. G, 8. H, 126. B, 123. B, 3. For example, in Chapter V, he is arguing for a drop in living standards mainly by looking at the quality and distribution of ceramics, B, 87-121. B, 87, G, 9. Especially in Chapters V and VI, B, 87-137. G, 9. Brown, P., The world of Late Antiquity from Marcus Aurelius to Muhammad (London, 1971). B, 3-4.